This article was first published as a journal article in Asian Journal of Theology
in 2007 under a different title. It is clearly written for a Christian reading to address a Christian issue with potu.
Introduction
Many
Asian cultures have over the centuries developed a custom of adorning their
forehead with a spot of coloured paste or jewel. Among Indians this custom had
become a cultural staple and acquired varied significance - aesthetic,
familial, social, religious, and even political. A simple search in Google "பொட்டு" gives an idea how important the issue is to Hindu pride. Christians, particularly those
leaning towards Evangelicalism, are vexed over its use and significance.
Various congregations and denominations have chosen to respond differently to
this common Indian custom.
In
the area of mission to the Indians, Hindus see a strident stand against potu as iconoclastic and in their public
eye it undermines communal solidarity with Indians. This stand also gives in to
the popular assertion that “Christians are like Muslims who do not wear potu as a religious prohibition” – a not
so subtle accusation that Christians care nothing for cultural issues. Due to
the denominational lines taken over the issue, traditional differences that
keep the denominations separated get accentuated. Historically the Roman
Catholics have clearly made the potu
a matter of individual conscience. Many Protestant denominations who harbour
suspicions about the Catholics find it easier to make an anti-potu stance that does nothing but add to the
Protestant baggage.
In
Malaysia, there is a possibility that the issue may have a larger political
implication. Racial polarization in the society had among other discontentment
heightened the cultural awareness and separatedness of the Indian from the rest
of the population. While this is pointed out as a celebration of diversity in
some political circles, it has hardened attitudes towards what the Indians
consider their customary cultural boundary. Nothing distinguishes the Indian
more than a potu. It is an issue
alive.
Indian
Christians writers in this region have at best tended to take a simplistic
decision on this matter. Immanuel Sundararajan, in his much touted book Tamil Culture and Christianity
unfortunately does not mention this ubiquitous custom but his book reflects a
large proportion of Indian Christian attitude towards their Hindu past.[1] His
purpose to evaluate some practices “in the light of the Bible” broadly
justifies most of the Evangelical practices. It must be noted that his credibility
as a Hindu convert himself and as a pastor he had had a great influence in
keeping some denominations preaching an inflexible attitude towards what is
perceived as Tamil Hindu cultural practices. C. Jeyaraj, a Methodist pastor,
predictably makes a little more pointed reference, in his Cultural Practices & Malaysian Indian Christian Response.[2] Interestingly,
this book was typeset by Hindus, a copy of the pre-press dummy was photocopied
and circulated among Tamil printers in Brickfield, Kuala Lumpur in August 1996.
It provoked a lively tea-stall debate among the Hindus there. His lack of
appreciation of the role of customs in a community that is itself a minority, did
provoke disaffection among the majority Hindus.[3]
This
paper is intended to provide some insights into the custom of potu.[4] It is
based on informants and observation of practices. Various types of potu are spelt out to evaluate its
significance. In conclusion, two Biblical principles are explored so as to
enable Christians to make a conscientious decision. This paper also identifies
some aspects of pastoral polarity within the Christian community.
What
is a Potu?
The
Tamil word potu (pronounced pöt-too)
means ‘a spot’ usually affixed on the forehead – right between the eyebrows or
a little above. The Hindi word is “bindhi”
is seldom used among the Tamils. The potu
It may also extend to the entirety of the forehead or may reach down to the tip
of the nose. It is not necessarily gender specific although some types of potu are. In every rites of passage and
sacred rituals the adorning of potu
becomes an essential act. Every child is adorned with a black potu; marriage determines a red potu for the woman, and abstinence from
potu marks widowhood. Potu according to the prescribed form
indicates one’s Hindu sectarian leaning as well as one’s piety. As a result of
its wide usage potu generally
implies excellence and social standing. The generic potu ⟨பொட்டு⟩
is
the most common term, but it is also called “thilagam” ⟨திலகம்⟩ in Tamil. “Thilagam” in modern usage is more thespian but can also reflect an
affected acrolect. For example the potu
adorned by a soldier before departure on a mission is usually called the “virathilagam” ⟨வீரத்திலகம்⟩ and not “virapotu”
⟨வீரப்பொட்டு⟩.
Types
of potu
There
are many ways of classifying potu,
the easiest being that according to the material used. However, in this paper
the types of potu are classified
according to their purpose. They are namely,
i. vasambupotu
⟨வசம்புப்பொட்டு⟩, for
infants;
ii. karupupotu ⟨கருப்புப்பொட்டு⟩, for
children and unmarried girls;
iii. kungumapotu
⟨குங்குமப்பொட்டு⟩, for
married women;
iv. bakthipotu
⟨பக்திப்பொட்டு⟩, to
denote piety;
v. kavupotu ⟨காவுப்பொட்டு⟩, to
denote participation in blood sacrifice;
vi. inapotu ⟨இனப்பொட்டு⟩, to
denote racial identity; and
vii. aļagupotu
⟨அழகுப்பொட்டு⟩, to
denote cosmetic use.
(i) Vasambupotu
The
vasambupotu is often
obligatorily as soon as a child is born. It is made by burning the root of the
herb acorus calamus3 called
“vasambu” in Tamil, till it is entirely
carbonized and made into a paste with a small portion (anywhere between 3-10ml)
of mother’s milk. A spot is put on the forehead for beauty and another on the
cheeks to make the infant “ugly”. This is to ward off “the evil eye”, and to
discourage people looking at the baby from saying how pretty the baby is. Every
morning when the infant is bathed and incensed (a practice that has its fair
share of detractors) dressed up and then adorned carefully with the vasambu. Sometimes a little vasambu is put into a packet and tied
around the wrist of the infant. The mother’s milk ingredient is certainly a
bonding factor between mother and child. Vasambupotu is usually used until the child is
one month old when the “thirty-days” ⟨முப்பது⟩ is
celebrated.
(ii) Karupupotu
Great
pains are taken to prepare what is called the karupupotu or the black-potu.
This type of potu is the staple till
the infant is two or three years old, and in the case of girls till she
marries. In many homes the traditional preparation is used although
commercially prepared ones have gained a foothold in almost every home. The
traditional preparation is made from tapioca flour or rice flour roasted in a
pot till it is carbonized. Then a little powdered incense ⟨சாம்பிராணி⟩ is
added. It melts into a lumpy paste. Water is added and ground with a small wooden
pestle ⟨மத்து⟩. The preparation is then filtered through a
white cloth and dripped into a clean shaved coconut shell and dried in the sun
till it hardens. Sometimes perfume is
added. This potu is water-soluble
and so a few drops are added into the coconut shell and rubbed with the index
finger till enough dissolves into paste.
In
the case of infants, other than the vasambupotu
on the forehead, many women use a little karupupotu that is prepared with a few drops of her own milk. It is smeared
on the navel which usually has a bit of the umbilical cord still attached, and
is said to prevent infection there or “will not retain water” ⟨தண்ணீர் கட்டாது⟩ that is
‘remain dry.’ The infants left palm and right sole (or vice versa) and the
tongue is also smeared with the vasambu
with the belief that it will stimulate the child to walk, grasp and talk early.
As a final touch to the morning ablutions, the infants and toddlers are given a
spot on a cheek. This is intended to ward off the “evil eye” or the kanthishti ⟨கண்திஷ்டி⟩ but has come to be considered cute
in its own respect. Older children, especially girls carefully adorn their
forehead after the morning and evening bath. Usually a much diminutive spot is
put on one of the cheeks for “kanthishti,” and often it means that the
child is being cared for and much loved. Young girls in order to avoid their
fingers being smeared or in order to achieve a perfect round spot often resort
to the use of the head of a two-inch iron nail, or in more modern homes the use
of a cotton bud.
(iii)
Kungumapotu
It
is believed that the Crocus sativus
which is the source of the kungumapotu,
originated in Asia Minor. Therefore, its use as a source of decorative
colouring must have found its introduction into India very early. In modern
times the best flowers of the tuber come from Kashmir where it is harvested in
October and November. The three stamens from each of the flowers are collected
and dried away from direct sunlight.[5] The
petals are mixed with the juice of the aromatic leaves of karpuravali ⟨கற்பூரவள்ளி⟩, the Basia longifolia and dew for moisture.[6] The
result is a startling red. The deity Aman is believed to be the guardian of
this sacred preparation and the tincture is distributed to the devotees. Often the preparation is called “sinthuram.” The word may be a redacted
form of “sinthum udhiram” which means ‘dripping
blood.’ And indeed, Aman iconography is incomplete without
dripping blood.
The
above mentioned method and the scarcity of the ingredients make it too precious
a commodity for popular usage. Nevertheless, the demand for the red potu has created modern alternatives. In
present times the traditional kungumapotu
is made from any one of the many variety of tumeric, dried and ground into
powder and mixed with a red compound of lead or arsenic. This is considered
inferior but has come into popular use even in temples. The drawback to this
ersatz kungumam is that very often it leads to dermatitis on the forehead. Indian
woman often use a fragrant gum-like paste called “athar” ⟨அத்தர்⟩ as a
base to protect their skin as well as to enable the powder to stick better. The
modern Indian cosmetic industry also manufactures powders for potu, which imitates the kungumapotu in texture using chemicals
for food colourings - purple, brown, yellow, blue, green, orange and pink! These modern industrial preparations are
certainly unsafe to use.
The
principal reason for the popularity of the red powdery potu is that it is the mark of a married woman. The rest of the
modern colours are for cosmetic purposes used by unmarried girls. There is a
saying that a woman ‘to die with her kungumapotu’
⟨பொட்டோடு போக⟩ is
blessed because her husband will conduct the funeral rites, and she herself has
no need to suffer the indignities of widowhood. It is a jealously guarded
prerogative of the husband to mark his wife’s forehead with the potu. And it is his prerogative to wipe
it away when she dies. This custom is understandable because in traditional
society, marriage, and contingent upon it the state of motherhood, is highly
exalted. The blessedness can be particularly appreciated when the mortality
rate of mothers at childbirth was considerably higher even in the recent past.
Women therefore often pray to let their husband live long and for safe
childbirth and she does it by asking her divine benefactors that her marriage
is protected and her kungumam is preserved. So she dips into a
small container kept at the family altar with her right middle finger and
adorns her forehead with the potu.
Then she takes her marriage string, the thali ⟨தாலி⟩ worn
around her neck and anoints it daintily with the tip of her index or middle
finger a little of the red powder.
In
the event, that a woman’s husband should die, she suffers in the hands of the
other widows in the community, who dresses her up like a bride and then proceed
to ritually dishonour her by breaking her glass bangles, tearing up her
garlands, snatching her thali, and finally effacing her kungumapotu. More often then
not, this custom do become vicious, and rightly is in decline nowadays. When an
Indian women considers herself widowed or divorced she voluntarily effaces her kungumapotu, apart from
removing her thali. This is often seen when couples quarrel and separate.
(iv) Bakthipotu
No
Hindu really refers to the potu he
adorns after offering worship to his deity as ‘potu.’ He refers to it by its own special name as “thiruniru” ⟨திருநீறு⟩, vibudhi
⟨விபூதி⟩, namam ⟨நாமம்⟩ or patai ⟨பட்டை⟩ and so
forth. The term bakthipotu
is at best generic and not of common indigenous usage. These forms of potu are purely religious in use and each
have its mythological explanations, which is not going to be part of this
paper.
Saivite
sectarian mark is called thiruniru or vibudhi - a sacred ash made
from burnt cow-dung. Usually the twigs of green basil, and other fragrant shrub
⟨திருநீற்றுப்பச்சை⟩ is
burnt along in open fire. The ash is collected and mixed with a little water
and the paste made into balls for storage or sales. It is called thirunitrupaļam ⟨திருநீற்றுப்பழம்⟩. When
necessary the balls are readily ground into powder and used as sacred vibudhi.
It used to mark the forehead at the conclusion of a prayer or arathi ⟨ஆராதனை or பூஜை⟩ It is a
mark of piety. The vibudhi is
considered a kapu ⟨காப்பு⟩ or a
protection against harm and it is sometimes thrown on someone who is possessed
by evil spirit or to bring someone out of a trance-like state. Usually, kungumam and moist sandhanam (sandal paste) is offered, which is
adorned over the vibudhi, a spot of sandal paste first, then a dot of kungumam over it. A pious devotee, if under vows, depending on his ardour
may even smear his entire forehead, arms and chest with the ash, giving meaning
to each smear, or just cast over himself entirely.
The
Vaishnuvite sectarian mark is the namam of which there are in the main two types: The first is the patainamam ⟨பட்டை நாமம்⟩ worn ostentatiously from as low a point on
the forehead to as high as possible, a wide white band vertically across the
forehead. The thinly drawn kirunamam ⟨கீறு நாமம்⟩ is often kungumam, sandal paste, or
a tattoo. There is yet a third variety called the thilunamam ⟨திள்ளு நாமம்⟩. The
white powder that is often used by the Vaishnavites are sold as namakati
⟨நாமக்கட்டி⟩. It is
made of white clay often called thiruman
⟨திருமன்⟩ which is
harvested from pristine areas of nature.
(v) Kavupotu
As
the word itself suggests, it is a potu
that is associated with blood sacrifice. The decidedly religious custom of
blood sacrifice has in the past been a public spectacle in Malaysian temples.
In modern times, it has been reduced to exclude non-participants and
non-believers even from viewing it. The average Hindu acknowledges its
existence but frowns upon it. The blood of the sacrificed animal is thought to
have power to ward off evil. However, it is also believed that during the
ceremony the smell of the blood attracts both the evil and the good spirits, so
a sacrificer, usually the priest of a shrine or the temple, has the first
access to wear the blood as a potu.
It protects him from the evil spirits as well as grant him power to demand
boons from the chief deity of the temple. Some sacrificers keep this blood in a
small container. Men use it directly by touching his forehead with the blood on
his finger tip in an almost imperceptible way, whereas women sacrificers or
priestesses sometimes mix it with her kungumapotu
and wear it loudly in almost 30mm diameter or more. Users believe that by doing
so the deity is always near them at their call. Many devotees substitute the
blood with kungumam but it is often smeared over the
forehead very indelicately. Note that every aspect of the phenomenon of kavupotu
is amorphous and any generalization such as this paragraph is, is subject to
numerous exceptions.
(vi) Inapotu
This
is another generic term not of common indigenous usage. Earlier in this paper,
it was observed that potu imputes racial identity in contrast to the
other races in this country. And in plural Malaysia this has achieved an easy
norm. In some segments of the Indian community where there is a high degree of
de-Hinduisation the potu is fast
receding in its importance. As a result, the public display of potu in whichever form is not always
voluntary. Indians, especially Hindus, sometimes tattoo their children’s
forehead with a spot (usually about 5 mm in diameter) or a complete namam a vertical line of tattoo about 5mm
in breath on the entire height of the forehead – starting between the eye brows
to the edge of the hair line. In India this is usually an attempt to commit one’s
children to the sectarian beliefs within Hinduism. In Malaysia, this has been
observed to occur frequently where it is feared that the child may some day
cease to be a Hindu or become so “brain-washed” or Anglicized that it may
forget its traditional heritage. This is sometimes the case in Chinese children
adopted into Hindu homes. This is to encourage the child to lean towards an
Indian identity. This although not a modern phenomenon may be termed as ina-adayala
potu or inapotu or racial-potu. It carries with it a certain stigma
of being “kampong” or rural and girls usually resort to hide the tattoo by
using a sticker-potu or other forms
of potu.
(v) Aļagupotu
Although
much of the traditional obligations associated with potu is dropping out among the more modernized women, still potu remains a signal mark of Indian
feminine beauty. The Indian fashion industry has also supported this by
developing what may be called sticker-potu
⟨சிடிக்கர் பொட்டு⟩. It is
more convenient to peel and paste in contrast to the traditional potu, which required a measure of skill.
It comes with a variety of designs. The basic floral and geometric designs is
complemented by religious ones that include snake, the deity Vinayagar, the sun and the symbol of om. These stickers come in basic colours
of black and maroon as well as in colourful variety with a matte texture
resembling the original powdery look of a potu. It would be interesting to note that the collecting of
stationery baubles, a phenomenon found among urban school children has found a
presence among Indian children, too. Tiny stickers (no more than 5mm across) with
pictures covered in epoxy has sold in school shops. Most of these stickers
carry cartoon images covered in epoxy but many of the stickers contain floral
and geometric designs that have been used by Indian school children as potu. Another delightful aspect of potu in this category is the actual
replacement of the potu with a
jewel. Sometimes, the jewel is hung on a short chain that is fastened to the
hair.
Is Potu a Religious Custom?
It
is possible to observe from the foregoing finding that potu is very much part of the culture of the Indians and it is an
intrinsic part of the traditional Indian community. It an even be a mark of
racial identity. Potu, primarily a
marking of the forehead, according to its function has divergent forms - one
sort of potu clearly cannot be
confused for another. It may be summarised that potu plays an affirmative role in four areas of an average Indian’s
life: social identity; aesthetics;
maternal bonding; and religious.
Let
us now look at the role of potu in this
context.
The
vasambupotu is considered
aesthetic, intrinsic to traditional maternal bonding, and believed to be health
imparting, as well as warding off evil. With the last reason being a
superstition with no particular religious value, these roles are quite
legitimate to a culture. It builds community.
The
karupupotu is definitely of
aesthetic value to most Indian girls who toy with various designs and colours.
In its social role it indicates that she is unmarried and to an extent
indicates vulnerability, and so imparts a responsibility to the community for
her protection. It generally follows a costume, the “pavadai thavani”
⟨பவாடை தாவனி⟩ that further
codifies her locus in the community. The potu
preparation for infants is again part of the maternal bonding rituals. There
seems to be no intrinsic religious association with this aspect of the custom.
The
kungumapotu is considered more
than a mark of feminine beauty, it is a mark of feminine dignity that comes
with the state of being married. And to retain this dignity she prays to her
God, for her husband daily, and adorns her thali with the sacred kungumam. Here it acquires religious significance. Indian women who arrive
at the hospital to deliver her child, often do so wearing her thali and
her kungumapotu. It serves the dual
purpose of affirming that she is married hence honorable, and at the same time
that the gods she prayed to everyday for the preservation of her thali
will now preserve her at childbirth.
To
wear the bakthipotu and kavupotu
are definitely a religious custom. Both sorts indicate devotion to the Hindu
gods. The kavupotu is sometimes considered abhorrent
even among Hindus. Wearing or flaunting it is often thought of as moral
defiance since blood sacrifice is considered cruel by the general population.
Inapotu
is often acquired involuntarily and in no way does this mean that the potu signifies anything other than what
the wearer affirms. Only if the affirmation is religious, does the potu acquire a religious significance.
There are devout Christians who were given a tattooed namam in their childhood.
Aļagupotu,
as the name suggests is an aesthetic matter. However, when the design is
religious in nature, such as an om,
a snake or an image of a deity, it must be considered religious in nature.
What
Does the Bible Teach?
The
Bible does not deal with potu
directly. Potu was not a Jewish or
Palestinian custom, and if it were, it was never an issue. What the Bible does
deal with are the issues that the use of potu
raises for the Church. These are the issues in the Pauline writings pertaining
to circumcision, and food offered to idols. These Biblical issues deal with
entrenched custom that has multiple implications – religious, social, pastoral
and missiological. In deference to our fractious Christian opinions, this
section is presented as indicative towards a resolution.
Circumcision
– Potu Parallel
Circumcision
was a Jewish custom that got in conflict with Christians. We find that many of
the early converts were Jews themselves, who carried on their ancient custom of
circumcision. Very clearly, they considered themselves set apart by virtue of
circumcision that they were not prepared to share the table with the Gentiles,
namely the Greeks there. The notion of ritual uncleanness due to uncircumcision
was apparently hard to beat. In this, Paul witnessed in Peter and James a
duplicity in not wanting to be seen associating with uncircumcised Gentiles
(Gal 2:11f). He rebukes them openly. Yet he goes on to advise Titus, a Greek
for whom circumcision was not an issue at all, to circumcise for the sake of
the weakness of the Jews (Gal 2:3) among whom Titus goes to serve. It is clear
that to Paul circumcision should not be imposed, and circumcision is irrelevant
to spiritual growth.
The
issues here are three fold, namely,
i. It was a religious obligation to the Jews (Gen.
17:9f).
ii. Unfortunately, as a religious obligation it meant
that its observance became a mark of spiritual separatedness and superiority
over those who do not circumcise.
iii. Quite naturally, the Jews have made
circumcision a boundary-marker of who is a Jew and who is not, hence a sign of
Jewish identity.
The
religious obligation which has evolved into a mark of racial identity is
acceptable as a Jewish tradition and the Bible does not challenge it, it is a
non-issue. However, making circumcision into an outward sign of spiritual
superiority is not tenable at all. Paul goes to some extent to explain that
true circumcision is a covenant with the Lord which comes from the heart, not a
physical act (Rom 2:28-29). All things said, nevertheless, Paul acknowledges
the reality of the Jewish social condition as it were, and advices Titus to
circumcise so that the Jews may not reject him as unclean, and making him unfit
(in their eyes) for being the vehicle of great truths. Here Paul is rejecting
the religious pride behind the custom but he is acknowledging the social
context of circumcision that it makes community. Which, Paul in this case was
using as a given to shape the nature of evangelism.
In
this light, the parallel is easy to see with the custom of potu. Potu in some instances expresses a religious obligation, and in all
instances appears as a mark of racial identity and social standing. The
indulgent forms of bakthipotu
reflects quite unmistakably a sign of Hindu religious identity and which in many
cases manifests as a show of spiritual pride. While Christians may rightly
reject the religious forms of the potu,
indulgent or otherwise, there is ambiguity in the use of kungumapotu. Note that kungumapotu usage is not contingent upon any
idolatry. Can it be effectively divorced from the idolatry it is often
associated to? This is an important question because the kungumapotu is a feminine act that goes to the
heart of racial identity or solidarity. It must be weighed by the congregation
or the church whether an outright rejection of potu may adversely affect mission, that is, cast the church as
essentially a cultural outsider. On the other hand, Christians must also take
careful heed that the rejection of potu
be not used to mark spiritual superiority over the Christians or Hindus who
continue to adorn it. After all, neither the potu nor its rejection in itself brings one closer to God, it is they
who abide in the love of God who draws nearer to him, a love that can be no
more eloquently expressed than as it were in John 15:1-17!
Eating
Meat Offered to Idols - Potu Parallel
Early
Christians in Corinth were vexed over the issue of eating meat offered to
idols. The way Paul handled the matter, the problem may be presented as a
threefold concern:
i. that food offered to idols is food offered
to other gods. The Bible is clear that “you cannot drink the cup of the Lord
and the cup of demons” (1 Cor 10:21a). Christians cannot be participants with
the intention and practice of another faith, lest this should “provoke the Lord
to jealousy.”
ii. that it is nevertheless food that ultimately
comes from God, “for the earth is the Lord’s, and everything in it” are his.
iii. that to exercise a choice to eat also confers
a freedom not to eat, for the sake of weaker brethren and his ignorance,
despite the fact that it is not necessarily wrong to eat.
Paul
here agrees that partaking food offered to idols is tantamount to being a
participant in the idolatry of the deity. However, the food is God’s in the
first place and all food should be fit for consumption. The apparent
contradiction here is clarified when one sees the difference in the motivations
with which a consumer comes to the food. A rejection of the deity purifies the
food for consumption. Only an acceptance of the legitimacy of deity taints the
food offered and makes it congruent to the worship of the deity itself. Still
this personal freedom cannot be abused by Christians when the issue of idolatry
becomes outwardly blurred. For example, while it may be mark of filial piety to
receive pongal milk-rice from a Hindu mother, but thanking God for the food and
the health of the mother divorces the pongal consumed from the mother’s initial
offering to her god. However, note that the same argument may not carry the
same weight when a Christian eats mutton curry rice in the temple grounds.
However,
the weakness of the brethren is not only the weakness of the Christian but also
the Hindu brethren, for whom Christ also died. Therefore, if food is going to
be a stumbling block for the preaching of the Gospel, and should beef eating is
going to cause one to be unwelcome in the home of a Hindu then a Christian
should conscientiously avoid consuming beef. In the same vein, if potu is going to alienate the womenfolk
then Christians should not condemn uncritically the use of potu. The married woman is socially
dignified by her kungumapotu,
and a lack of it is a sign of widowhood, a status that decreases her standing
in her community life. Although the stigma of widowhood is fast breaking down among
modernizing Indians the status that is signified by the potu is intimately connected with her own rites of passage of her
life, and the life of the community. Christians have the freedom to submit to
the social law: “To the weak I became weak, that I might win the weak.” (I Cor 9:22a) This position is
particularly important where the husband of a Christian woman is still a Hindu;
or when the Christian woman has to attend communal rites (such as funeral and
weddings) involving non-Christian kin.
WHERE
DOES THE CHURCH STAND
There
are a number of positions with regards to the custom of potu within the Church. Since it has missiological implications, it
is not a private spiritual issue for the individual to decide, but needs to be
tampered with pastoral concern involving the congregation.
i.
Rejectionist Position
Custom
of potu is rejected entirely for two
reasons: one, that any non-utilitarian adornment glorifies the body and not
God, and so should be rejected – generally a Pentecostal position. Two, that potu reminisces the Christian of their
Hindu past, and should be rejected in order to “break the bondage” – essentially
an Evangelical position. Both strands of the rejectionist accuse those who
permit potu as syncretism, thus
creating a cleavage within the Christian community over the issue. Most
Evangelicals and Pentecostals say that there is no middle ground on the matter
of potu. Their detractors however can
point out a certain amount of duplicity in these assertions, very much a Peter
and James in the matter.
The
Pentecostal rejection of potu may
stem from their rejection of the Indian infatuation with gold jewelleries as
well. However, the explanation that it glorifies the body and not God is
problematic since its intention is to deal with the issue of indulgence in any
other areas of life as well as deal with the fundamental issue of human
acquisitiveness. The Evangelicals who assert the taint-by-association with past
or present Hinduism fall silent when it comes to sarees which the goddesses of
Hinduism has a partiality to, or the food fare that is offered to the gods. To
put the matter in the social context of the Indians, it must be noted that the
Hindus themselves do not consider potu
a religious custom in its entirety. In any case, prevenient grace that makes
all life experience valuable as a journey to Christ is dealt short shrift here
by the rejectionists. The social context upon which the rejectionist assertions
subsists does not seem to justify their position securely.
ii.
Permissive Position
Many
customs serves as rituals of communal bonding and it is necessary for communal
identity. Rejection of certain customs creates alienation which as a result
becomes a hindrance for the Gospel. Customs, when intended for the Lord
glorifies the Lord, irrespective of its human association to other religions
very much like Christmas, the wedding ring, or the wedding rice. As such potu is important for Christians to keep
the communal integrity. This is essentially where the Roman Catholics stand.
The issue of potu although recent in
Malaysia, is four centuries old with the Vatican. Matteo Ricci created a storm
when he allowed Chinese Christians to keep the obeisance before the ancestral
tablet. The arguments for and against are not new but eventually the Catholics
made the potu a matter of individual
conscience. Note that among the Catholics, the effacing of potu to show widowhood is generally not
followed - potu is generally a
matter of aesthetics, and communal identity. Kungumapotu is worn as a sign of marriage often
times and concomitant to this custom, many women anoint their thali with
“holy oil” that is blessed during Easter.
iii.
Missiological Position
Potu is not just a Christian issue but an
issue that Hindus often raise against Christians, accusing them as destroyers
of culture. As a result, it is imperative that individual congregations make
clear their stand on the issue for the sake of solidarity that we do not build
walls of resentment over non-essential issues that will compromise the
essential Gospel being preached. Debatable as it sounds, the Indian Church in
Malaysia is largely seen as not an integral part of the Malaysian Indian
society. This is asserted in the sense that the average church is a religious
organization like any other religious organizations that are focused on their
own affairs, and subsisting without any communal impact other than the
disturbance occasioned by the occasional convert. Communal integration would
mean, among other matters, a common appreciation of feminine identity. So an
outright rejection of potu furthers
the mutual suspicion of the two groups. On the other hand, a missiological
process in communal integration should mean nothing less that the rejection of
all the Hindu and superstitious elements associated with potu. The crux of it lies in teaching: (a) that women using kungumapotu need not pray over
it since it is not a fetish but a mark of dignity afforded by her husband; (b)
that women intending to use the kungumapotu
to mark her prayers ought to pray to God alone; and that the protection
afforded her comes from God alone. Although, the Church is not likely to
‘invent’ a Christian potu like the
Christian thali, the general rule of glorifying God in all things should
be emphasized.
iv.
Pastoral Position
Churches
should recognize that ministers fueling the issue of potu as a boundary marker for Christian-Hindu divide is an issue in
itself. Sometimes, pastors justify the deliberate attempt to alienate the
church members from their Hindu background. While it serves to keep them
focused on the church it inhibits their potential to become an effective
vehicle of the Gospel who can reach out to their Hindu relatives and friends.
Outward appearances cannot be strictly used as a mark of inner conversion simply
because beyond potu lies other
‘outwards’ like the choices we make about the fashion of our clothes, the
architecture of our home, the mannerisms of our speech, the schools we send out
children to, the food we eat, the books we read, and so forth. Using the issue
of potu as a sign of conversion
overlaps into another area of churchmanship that drives the Evangelical-Roman
Catholic divide – this mutual lack undermines Christian solidarity.
CONCLUSION
Paul
said: “So, whether you eat or drink, or whatever you do, do all to the glory of
God. Give no offense to Jews, or to Greeks or the church of God, just as I try
to please all men in everything I do, not seeking my advantage, but that of
many, that they may be saved.” (1 Cor 10:31-33). It is fine advice, to reject
all things contrary to Christian teaching but the problem as presented in this
paper is that the custom of potu is
not entirely contrary to Christian
teaching. In social issues such as this it is up to the congregation to weigh
the issues. Certainly, the whole hearted embrace of all forms of potu is not an issue but that whether it
should be rejected entirely or whether only the religious and superstitious
aspects be rejected. There are few corollary questions that the congregations
need to answer in order to arrive at a collective decision.
The
positions that a church could take given a critical evaluation of the custom in
the light of Pauline writings are two fold: one that all forms of potu should be rejected; and that only
the religious and superstitious elements of potu should be rejected.
All
forms of potu should be rejected
All
forms of potu should be rejected, if
the congregation is clear that
(a) it will not affect the mission of the
congregation, by distorting the Christian-Hindu relations in the Indian
community.
(b) members of the congregation who are affected
by the rejection, say a woman with a Hindu husband, is helped, or granted
permission till the husband comes to know the Lord.
(c) the rejection of is not used as a mark of
conversion, nor a mark of righteousness.
(d) the rejection is not a deliberate attempt to
alienate the Christian from the Indian cultural milieu.
(e) the rejection is not a deliberate attempt to
create a division within the Christian community.
Only
the religious and superstitious elements of potu
should be rejected
The
corollary to the selective rejection of potu
should be that the
(a) church has a clear teaching on the subject,
lest the weaker ones fail to see the difference between the Hindu and the Christian
approach to potu.
(b) this is going to help the church build bridges
between the Christians and Hindus in the Indian community.
(c) that women
particularly be taught to reject the superstition of the evil eye in using the
vasambupotu; and the Hindu
idolatry associated with kungumapotu;
and the religious motifs in the cosmetic aļagupotu.
(d) the issue of
freedom in retaining part of the custom of potu is not used to create divisiveness among Christians.
[1] Immanuel
G Sundararajan, Tamil Culture and
Christianity, Singapore,
1985 (?), p 2.
[2] C.
Jeyaraj, Cultural Practices &
Malaysian Indian Christian Responses, ICWSN, Kuala Lumpur, 1994, p.9, 11 etc
[3]
According to the 2000 Census, Indians number 1.58 million or 8.8% of the West
Malaysian population, of whom Christians number 127,977, i.e. 7.7% of the
Indians. The majority Hindus represent 84.5%. Population Statistics & Basic Demographic Characteristics – 2000,
Department of Statistics, Kuala Lumpur,
2001
[4] I have employed
the MTS Transliteration Convention of bold for geminants (,ul;ilak;), and
underscores for long vowels (neby;), and l-cedillac for retroflexed ļ (o). I
have avoided distinctions for retroflexed and alveolar distinctions of
n-consontants and other l-consonants.
[5]
Singaravelu Mudaliar, Abithana Chintamani
- The Cyclopaedia of Tamil Literature, Asian Educational Services, Chennai,
1988, p.462
[6] Winslow,
M., A Comprehensive Tamil And English
Dictionary, Asian Educational Services, Chennai, 1988, p.911
